Another tough year for Eastern Partnership

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The Union’s internal problems, which have weakened its reactions, are superimposed on the variety of crises which its Eastern neighbours are facing. This results in frustration on both sides, as in the case of Ukraine, which despite the efforts of the Polish presidency has failed to sign its Association Agreement. We should not under any circumstances give up on relations with Ukraine - a great probability still exists that the Association Agreement will be signed by the end of the year. Ukraine is above all concerned with defending the interests of its industry. Likewise, the interests of Ukrainian business are quite different from the plans of the Russian oligarchs. In addition, the policy of submission to Moscow – as shown by the case of the Belarusian gas company Beltransgaz, which last year was completely taken over by Gazprom – is ineffective. Russia does not constitute a viable alternative to the former Soviet republics – with the exception of Belarus. The EU's economic crisis is not enough to destroy the attractiveness of Europe and the pro-European aspirations of these countries. After all, the EaP countries’ civilisational awareness has only developed over the centuries,.

Despite all the difficulties, this year will definitely bring some concrete results. There is a good chance of reaching the deep stages of negotiations and initialling the Association Agreement and the Deep and Comprehensive Free Trade Area agreement with Tbilisi. Chisinau will also be this year's leader in EU integration; Moldova has a realistic chance of signing the DCFTA. No political barriers stand in the way of this, as they do in Ukraine, which since Viktor Yanukovych became president in early 2010, has regressed in its democratisation processes. Nor are there the economic difficulties which complicate the relationship between Georgia and Europe. Brussels has more than once criticised the Georgian government for its excessive economic liberalism, which has translated into not adapting its system to EU standards. This primarily concerns the openness of the Georgian market to goods from abroad. Tbilisi is not struggling with a trade deficit, and has begun to import basic foodstuffs such as milk powder from China. Among other things, it is via Georgian territory that bottled milk from powder from China has reached the EU.

In this situation, Moldova has the best chance for success, and the EU should pay special attention to this country. Brussels has to decide, on an experimental basis at least, on liberalising its visa regime with Moldova. This country is too small to flood the EU market with its workers. Yet such a move would be a clear signal to the rest of the Eastern Partnership countries that this initiative does not mean just lofty words, but also real benefits.